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2 hours ago, Loiner said:

Jacob Rees-Mogg is a rising star, a true statesman in the making. One of the few principled and honest men in parliament.

prefers to do bizzness in dublin,of the few politicans left that want brexit many want it for personal gain,shame shame shame

Fund founded by Rees-Mogg sets up post-Brexit vehicle in Dublin _ Financial Times.html

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5 hours ago, dick dasterdly said:

Because I think halal meat is disgusting, but have been buying Aussie beef and lamb for my dogs - thinking it was less likely to be contaminated by hormones etc..

 

Time to ask the question on the Phuket forum as to where it's possible to find the closest to organic (and non-halal) meat :sad:.

DD, please

whenever you have 5 minutes to spare

convey me a pm of why halal is undesirable, please

 

have heard about halal all my life but don't really understand what it is

 

 

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24 minutes ago, melvinmelvin said:

DD, please

whenever you have 5 minutes to spare

convey me a pm of why halal is undesirable, please

 

have heard about halal all my life but don't really understand what it is

 

 

 

 

Do you not have a Google function Melvin ?

 

 

 

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2 minutes ago, LucysDad said:

 

 

Do you not have a Google function Melvin ?

 

 

 

not interested in any wiki view of halal

 

 

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9 minutes ago, melvinmelvin said:

not interested in any wiki view of halal

 

 

 

 

The He Internet s not limited to Wiki....... at least mine isn’t.

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11 minutes ago, LucysDad said:

 

 

The He Internet s not limited to Wiki....... at least mine isn’t.

lucky you

 

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didnt he move his bizzness interests to dublin not so long ago,oh yes he's a great statesman,amazing how many want brexit for their own benefit.

No he didn’t actually. Who told you that Remainer propaganda? You certainly didn’t check.


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8 minutes ago, Loiner said:


No he didn’t actually. Who told you that Remainer propaganda? You certainly didn’t check.


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second biggest shareholder with 15% of somerset capitol,co founder has 18%,he is there 3 times a week (possibly incorrect i would think) and receives £15k a month in retainer,the 21 shareholders enjoyed £22 milion in payments last year so him being 2nd biggest shareholder would be around £2 million,the irish fund allows him to accept EU funds into his business in a way that a hard brexit would prevent, this is taken from the register of MPs interests.

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1 hour ago, LucysDad said:

 

 

The He Internet s not limited to Wiki....... at least mine isn’t.

point is I would very much like to hear the tales

from some presumably sane person that have problems with halal

 

 

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February 10 2019, 12:01am, The Sunday Times
 
The best article I have read in weeks on the truth with regards to the EU and Eire.
 

Watch out, Dublin. After Brexit, the EU is coming for you

Dominic Lawson

The Irish are about to discover the downside of solidarity with Brussels

Brit-bashing has never been more in vogue at the European Commission. Not only did we witness the (obviously rehearsed) remarks by the president of the European Council, Donald Tusk, that “those who promoted Brexit without even a sketch of a plan of how to carry it out safely” would be consigned to hellfire. There was also the spectacle of the president of the commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, displaying a gigantic card from an Irish admirer declaring: “For the first time ever Ireland is stronger than Britain. That strength comes not from guns, it comes from your words . . . Britain does not care about peace in Northern Ireland. To them it’s a nuisance.”

We know exactly what the card said — including the studiously offensive assertion that the British regard peace in Northern Ireland as “a nuisance” — because it was transcribed and released by the commission’s press office. On both occasions the relevant EU president was accompanied by the Irish taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, who seemed to be enjoying himself immensely.

We shouldn’t be surprised — or touchy. British cabinet ministers have hardly been shy about denigrating the political institutions of the EU — for the former foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, it was his métier. The insulted have a right to return the insult, however gratuitously. As for Varadkar: well, no Irish leader ever lost domestic support for being seen to stand up against the former imperial overlord.

And it’s true that, while the EU’s motive for insisting on a potentially timeless Irish border “backstop” is to induce the British to remain bound by the customs union and single market regulations, it is, in so doing, simultaneously standing up for one of its smaller members — a form of solidarity that it has always preached but not always practised.

It can also boast that this solidarity has extended to the 27 remaining members’ entire approach to negotiations with the departing UK (painfully distinguishable from that even within the British government, let alone Westminster). On the other hand, the principal achievement of the withdrawal agreement from Brussels’ point of view — getting the Brits to cough up an exit bill of £39bn in return for nothing — is easy enough to get 27 EU nations to agree on.

 

In other respects, EU solidarity is not busting out all over. In recent days France has recalled its ambassador from Rome — for the first time since 1940, when the two nations declared war on each other. Also last week President Emmanuel Macron pulled out of the Munich Security Conference. This rebuff is less surprising in the light of Berlin’s refusal to back Macron’s grand plan for a proper EU banking union: Angela Merkel knows German taxpayers’ solidarity does not extend to sharing in the debts of less frugal EU nations. But as Henrik Enderlein, the director of the Jacques Delors Institute, lamented: “If Germany and France can’t agree on key policy issues, who can? Not good for the EU.”

Actually, there’s one key policy issue on which Paris and Berlin can agree. Both want to crash the engine of the Irish economic miracle. Although naturally they don’t put it that way. Specifically, they regard the tax deals that Dublin gives multinational investors (especially American ones) as outrageously unfair.

EU member states have a national veto, and therefore autonomy, over tax rates (apart from VAT), but Brussels is now determined that this must end. Pierre Moscovici, the EU’s tax commissioner, has more than once declared that Ireland’s tax policies “undermine fairness and the level playing field in our single market”, and last month he asserted that the ability of any single member state to have taxation autonomy was “anachronistic”.

Varadkar hit back two days later, accusing the French of “hypocrisy” — on account of their own tax deals with multinationals — and pleaded: “If the United States, the most successful economy in the world, can have tax competition among member states, why can’t we have the same?” No wonder the Irish government is worried. According to a report in the Financial Times, almost 25% of Ireland’s GDP consists of royalties “funnelled” through Dublin (a means by which multinational companies shift profits to the lowest-tax area). To put that in context, for the EU as a whole royalty payments are a fraction of 1% of GDP.

Cormac Lucey, a columnist for this paper’s Irish edition, has described Ireland’s low corporation-tax model as “the most successful strategy the independent Irish state has developed in its near century of existence”. This was the main reason for Ireland’s remarkable recovery from the eurozone crisis that began in 2009 — of course, having lost its own currency, it no longer had any domestic monetary levers to pull.

Merkel described Ireland — in contrast to Greece — as “a superb example” of a eurozone nation successfully following the harsh restructuring recipe of the “troika” (the European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund). But as Ashoka Mody, the IMF’s chief representative in Ireland during this crisis, observed: “Ireland recovered not because of but despite eurozone-imposed strictures . . . Ireland’s special advantage arose from its nearly three-decades-old corporate tax regime . . . to attract foreign investors. American multinationals provided Ireland with a vent for export growth. That export vent . . . allowed Ireland to escape the eurozone trap.”

Actually, the Brits helped out too. The then chancellor, George Osborne — heir to an Irish baronetcy, as it happens — agreed to loan Dublin £7bn, over and above the UK’s obligations as IMF members and as part of the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism. Osborne described Ireland as “a friend in need”. Naturally, this was not a cause for gratitude — The Irish Times described it as “a few shillings of sympathy”.

Well, I sympathise with the Irish mindset. Above all, the callous Malthusianism of the British establishment during the potato famine — essentially saying it was the fault of the Irish for overbreeding — moulded its psyche. So although the Irish economy might actually be more suited to membership of a sterling zone than the eurozone, it is obvious why the Irish should find the latter far more congenial. Whatever suffering membership of the euro entails, they aren’t being starved.

But solidarity with Brussels, while handy for taking on the Brits, could soon have a devastating effect on Ireland’s entire economic model (as Varadkar realises only too well). And that’s even apart from the next euro crisis, if there is a recession on the Continent.

So enjoy your time in the sun with presidents Tusk and Juncker, Leo. It’s good to have happy memories.

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5 hours ago, Loiner said:

Jacob Rees-Mogg is a rising star, a true statesman in the making. One of the few principled and honest men in parliament.

The Rees-Mogg Looney Tunes Handshake.

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57 minutes ago, Laughing Gravy said:
 

Watch out, Dublin. After Brexit, the EU is coming for you

Dominic Lawson

 

This presumably would be the same Dominic Lawson who attributed the outcome of the referendum to the legalisation of same-sex marriages.

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second biggest shareholder with 15% of somerset capitol,co founder has 18%,he is there 3 times a week (possibly incorrect i would think) and receives £15k a month in retainer,the 21 shareholders enjoyed £22 milion in payments last year so him being 2nd biggest shareholder would be around £2 million,the irish fund allows him to accept EU funds into his business in a way that a hard brexit would prevent, this is taken from the register of MPs interests.

So no secret there then. Do you have a problem with it? No secret either that he’s opened new funds in Ireland for new investment.
Just not true that he’s moved his bizzness there. You’ve been had by Remainer lies. Who’s a conspiracy theorist now?


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20 minutes ago, Loiner said:


So no secret there then. Do you have a problem with it? No secret either that he’s opened new funds in Ireland for new investment.
Just not true that he’s moved his bizzness there. You’ve been had by Remainer lies. Who’s a conspiracy theorist now?


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It comes from the goverments registar.the same govt you are pining your hopes on to make your life better...say what you want he and no 1 investor have fled to the Eu for personal gain

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4 hours ago, Laughing Gravy said:
February 10 2019, 12:01am, The Sunday Times
 
The best article I have read in weeks on the truth with regards to the EU and Eire.
 

Watch out, Dublin. After Brexit, the EU is coming for you

Dominic Lawson

The Irish are about to discover the downside of solidarity with Brussels

Brit-bashing has never been more in vogue at the European Commission. Not only did we witness the (obviously rehearsed) remarks by the president of the European Council, Donald Tusk, that “those who promoted Brexit without even a sketch of a plan of how to carry it out safely” would be consigned to hellfire. There was also the spectacle of the president of the commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, displaying a gigantic card from an Irish admirer declaring: “For the first time ever Ireland is stronger than Britain. That strength comes not from guns, it comes from your words . . . Britain does not care about peace in Northern Ireland. To them it’s a nuisance.”

We know exactly what the card said — including the studiously offensive assertion that the British regard peace in Northern Ireland as “a nuisance” — because it was transcribed and released by the commission’s press office. On both occasions the relevant EU president was accompanied by the Irish taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, who seemed to be enjoying himself immensely.

We shouldn’t be surprised — or touchy. British cabinet ministers have hardly been shy about denigrating the political institutions of the EU — for the former foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, it was his métier. The insulted have a right to return the insult, however gratuitously. As for Varadkar: well, no Irish leader ever lost domestic support for being seen to stand up against the former imperial overlord.

And it’s true that, while the EU’s motive for insisting on a potentially timeless Irish border “backstop” is to induce the British to remain bound by the customs union and single market regulations, it is, in so doing, simultaneously standing up for one of its smaller members — a form of solidarity that it has always preached but not always practised.

It can also boast that this solidarity has extended to the 27 remaining members’ entire approach to negotiations with the departing UK (painfully distinguishable from that even within the British government, let alone Westminster). On the other hand, the principal achievement of the withdrawal agreement from Brussels’ point of view — getting the Brits to cough up an exit bill of £39bn in return for nothing — is easy enough to get 27 EU nations to agree on.

 

In other respects, EU solidarity is not busting out all over. In recent days France has recalled its ambassador from Rome — for the first time since 1940, when the two nations declared war on each other. Also last week President Emmanuel Macron pulled out of the Munich Security Conference. This rebuff is less surprising in the light of Berlin’s refusal to back Macron’s grand plan for a proper EU banking union: Angela Merkel knows German taxpayers’ solidarity does not extend to sharing in the debts of less frugal EU nations. But as Henrik Enderlein, the director of the Jacques Delors Institute, lamented: “If Germany and France can’t agree on key policy issues, who can? Not good for the EU.”

Actually, there’s one key policy issue on which Paris and Berlin can agree. Both want to crash the engine of the Irish economic miracle. Although naturally they don’t put it that way. Specifically, they regard the tax deals that Dublin gives multinational investors (especially American ones) as outrageously unfair.

EU member states have a national veto, and therefore autonomy, over tax rates (apart from VAT), but Brussels is now determined that this must end. Pierre Moscovici, the EU’s tax commissioner, has more than once declared that Ireland’s tax policies “undermine fairness and the level playing field in our single market”, and last month he asserted that the ability of any single member state to have taxation autonomy was “anachronistic”.

Varadkar hit back two days later, accusing the French of “hypocrisy” — on account of their own tax deals with multinationals — and pleaded: “If the United States, the most successful economy in the world, can have tax competition among member states, why can’t we have the same?” No wonder the Irish government is worried. According to a report in the Financial Times, almost 25% of Ireland’s GDP consists of royalties “funnelled” through Dublin (a means by which multinational companies shift profits to the lowest-tax area). To put that in context, for the EU as a whole royalty payments are a fraction of 1% of GDP.

Cormac Lucey, a columnist for this paper’s Irish edition, has described Ireland’s low corporation-tax model as “the most successful strategy the independent Irish state has developed in its near century of existence”. This was the main reason for Ireland’s remarkable recovery from the eurozone crisis that began in 2009 — of course, having lost its own currency, it no longer had any domestic monetary levers to pull.

Merkel described Ireland — in contrast to Greece — as “a superb example” of a eurozone nation successfully following the harsh restructuring recipe of the “troika” (the European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund). But as Ashoka Mody, the IMF’s chief representative in Ireland during this crisis, observed: “Ireland recovered not because of but despite eurozone-imposed strictures . . . Ireland’s special advantage arose from its nearly three-decades-old corporate tax regime . . . to attract foreign investors. American multinationals provided Ireland with a vent for export growth. That export vent . . . allowed Ireland to escape the eurozone trap.”

Actually, the Brits helped out too. The then chancellor, George Osborne — heir to an Irish baronetcy, as it happens — agreed to loan Dublin £7bn, over and above the UK’s obligations as IMF members and as part of the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism. Osborne described Ireland as “a friend in need”. Naturally, this was not a cause for gratitude — The Irish Times described it as “a few shillings of sympathy”.

Well, I sympathise with the Irish mindset. Above all, the callous Malthusianism of the British establishment during the potato famine — essentially saying it was the fault of the Irish for overbreeding — moulded its psyche. So although the Irish economy might actually be more suited to membership of a sterling zone than the eurozone, it is obvious why the Irish should find the latter far more congenial. Whatever suffering membership of the euro entails, they aren’t being starved.

But solidarity with Brussels, while handy for taking on the Brits, could soon have a devastating effect on Ireland’s entire economic model (as Varadkar realises only too well). And that’s even apart from the next euro crisis, if there is a recession on the Continent.

So enjoy your time in the sun with presidents Tusk and Juncker, Leo. It’s good to have happy memories.

the irish as daft as they are WILL remain in the EU, if you think otherwise your off youre  itst

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